Fault Lines in Murshidabad: How One MLA Sparked West Bengal’s Political Firestorm
West Bengal’s political landscape is growing more intricate by the day, driven largely by the sharpening confrontation between the BJP and Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC). PM Modi is expected to visit Bengal in December, with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat scheduled for February 2026, signalling a renewed push. Analysis by Jayanta Ghosal
Despite organisational weaknesses, the BJP remains on the offensive, while Mamata positions herself as a national-level strategist able to navigate—and control—complex political terrain.
At the center of the latest controversy is the BJP’s attempt to weaponise a Hindu–Muslim flashpoint: the proposal to construct a Babri Masjid in Murshidabad’s Bharatpur, initiated by TMC MLA Humayun Kabir. Although Kabir is not aligned with the BJP, his actions have become one of the party’s most effective political instruments. As a sitting TMC MLA, he remains bound by legislative obligations even as his political posture grows increasingly provocative.
Humayun Kabir: Profile & Ambition
A former Congress leader, Kabir has long attempted to cultivate influence among Murshidabad’s Muslim voters, historically engaging closely with Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury. Although he represents Bharatpur, his call for a mosque in Beldanga appears designed to revive older Hindu–Muslim divisions there.
Once useful to TMC in countering Adhir Chowdhury, Kabir now seems intent on reclaiming political space once held by Congress. His statements have earned him substantial media exposure—amplified indirectly by the BJP—but he lacks the state-wide appeal and grassroots reach required to challenge TMC’s consolidated Muslim support.
Following warnings from senior TMC leaders including Abhishek Banerjee, Mamata Banerjee concluded that Kabir’s conduct had drifted too far from the party line. She resolved not to grant him a ticket in 2026 and was prepared to remove him even before the controversy escalated. Bobby Hakim’s public pushback in Kolkata was soon followed by Mamata’s counter-mobilisation in Murshidabad.
Anticipating fallout, Kabir sought backing from Asaduddin Owaisi, hoping to anchor a new Muslim political platform. But Owaisi has remained noncommittal, and it is unclear whether he supports Kabir’s ambition to lead a sizeable Islamic formation in Bengal.
Muslim Politics: Bengali vs Urdu-Speaking Dynamics
Can BJP use Murshidabad issue as a pan Bengal electoral issue ?
I think not really! Because Didi’s strategy is to go to people and with her district wise organization. She is building a campaign that it is BJP’s strategy- conspiracy to break the Muslim vote.
Even TMC is campaigning that BJP is trying to create incidents- law and order deterioration of situation- so that after imposing BJP can go for Bengal poll. However, Muslims are more consolidated. N block Muslim can go with TMC not with Humayun.
Muslims form about 30% of Bengal’s population, overwhelmingly Bengali-speaking, with Urdu-speaking Muslims—about 2%—concentrated in Kolkata. Bengali Muslims dominate Murshidabad and rural Bengal, while Urdu-speaking groups are more cautious in political expression.