A coffee house serves as a vital venue for informal, free-flowing conversations among people of Kolkata
By Jayanta Ghosal
In Kolkata’s social vocabulary, a particular group has long held a special place in public life, the ‘Bhadralok’, or what is often referred to as the ‘Madhyabitta’ (middle-class) society. In English-language discourse, this social class has often described itself as the “middling class”. Later, the term evolved into the educated middle class, sometimes simply called the middle class.
During the colonial period, British officials, who first encountered this social group, referred to them as “educated natives.” Like most modern social classes, however, the boundaries of the ‘Bhadralok’ community are difficult to define precisely. Membership of this group cannot be determined by any single rigid criterion. Under a class-based system, an individual is born into a particular social position, but unlike in a rigid caste hierarchy, there is always the possibility of movement. As sociologist T. B. Bottomore pointed out that an individual or a family may experience fluctuations in their social hierarchy throughout their lifetime. If a person rises socially, he does not require any formal “patent of nobility” or official recognition to confirm that change in status. It is often enough for him to become economically successful, to occupy a particular professional or occupational role, and perhaps to acquire the cultural characteristics associated with the social stratum he has entered.
In that sense, the ‘Bhadralok’ emerged as a de facto social group—people who shared a broadly similar position in the economy, followed a comparable style of life, and gradually developed a consciousness of themselves as a class with common interests.
In West Bengal, particularly in Kolkata, this ‘Bhadralok’ society has historically played a central role in shaping public opinion. Since Kolkata was once the capital of British India, the city developed a powerful urban middle-class culture. The upper middle class, middle class, and even sections of the lower middle class together formed a strong and vocal civil society. This urban society is highly opinionated and politically expressive.
Within this social landscape, there has always been mobility across economic and social layer sometimes upward, sometimes downward. At the same time, a noticeable distinction has long existed between the political behaviour of rural Bengal and that of urban Bengal.
In earlier decades, the Congress party enjoyed considerable support among Kolkata’s urban middle class, while rural Bengal leaned more towards the Left parties. Later, during the final phase of Left rule, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee retained significant support among urban educated voters, while Mamata Banerjee emerged as the political favourite in rural Bengal. Eventually, Mamata Banerjee managed to expand her influence across both areas.
However, in the 2026 Assembly election, a different pattern appears to be emerging in parts of urban Kolkata. In some areas, there is visible anti-incumbency sentiment after nearly fifteen years of Mamata Banerjee’s government. Among sections of the Bhadralok, a certain level of dissatisfaction has become evident within the elite urban civil society of Kolkata.
Their concerns revolve around several issues that have dominated political debates in the state, including the education recruitment scam, allegations of corruption in political campaigns, and the activities of the so-called “syndicate” networks involved in construction and local contracting. For many members of the Bengali ‘Bhadralok’ community, these controversies have created a sense of disillusionment with the present administration.
At the same time, the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the voter list has added another layer of controversy to the political climate. A large number of names have reportedly been deleted from the electoral rolls, and there is still no clear understanding of exactly whose names were removed. Some speculate that the deletions may involve slum residents or minority communities in Kolkata, while others suggest that the exercise might have targeted illegal infiltrators, including Bangladeshis living in railway colonies or old refugee settlements.
However, Mamata Banerjee and the Trinamool Congress strongly contest this narrative. They argue that many genuine voters have been removed from the list and that the deletions do not affect only minority communities but also a significant number of Hindu voters.
There have been several reported instances where academicians, teachers, professors, college students and government employees discovered that their names were missing from the voting list. For many people, the process of correcting the records and re-entering their names has proved complicated. The SIR verification procedure requires filling out multiple forms and appearing for inquiries, which many citizens have found difficult and stressful.
In some cases, the situation has turned tragic. Just recently, an elderly man reportedly died while standing in a queue related to SIR verification. Incidents like this case have intensified public debate about how the process has been conducted.
The SIR exercise is still not fully completed, and allegations of harassment continue to surface. Meanwhile, the BJP has tried to counter these criticisms by arguing that voter list revisions take place in several non-BJP-ruled states as well, including Kerala, Assam and Tamil Nadu, yet there has been no similar political turmoil there. According to the BJP, the protests in West Bengal are largely politically motivated by the ruling party.
Mamata Banerjee, however, has taken a very different position. She has argued that there is a political conspiracy behind the process, claiming that the revision is being used as a method to remove voters sympathetic to the Trinamool Congress and thereby weaken her government. In her campaign speeches, she has suggested that the Election Commission is effectively functioning as a political instrument of the BJP.
The BJP strongly denies this accusation. According to its leaders, the Election Commission is acting independently, and the SIR process is purely an administrative exercise aimed at ensuring clean electoral rolls.
As a result, two parallel currents are now visible in Kolkata’s public discourse. On one side, there is genuine discontent among sections of the ‘Bhadralok’ community regarding governance issues. Many of these voices regularly appear in television panel discussions, evening debates on news channels, and discussions across social media platforms. Among sections of the Bengali middle class, criticism of the government has been growing.
However, the SIR controversy has also caused discomfort among several independent intellectuals and professionals who do not align with the Trinamool Congress. For example, Dr Kunal Sarkar, a well-known cardiologist, and Professor Sukanta Chowdhury, emeritus professor of Jadavpur University, have expressed concerns about the way the process has been handled. These figures are generally regarded as free-thinking public intellectuals rather than supporters of any particular political party, yet they have voiced dissatisfaction about how the Election Commission and judicial officers conducted the SIR procedures.
Finally, there is another crucial political factor: Mamata Banerjee herself is contesting from the Bhawanipur constituency. Bhawanipur lies in South Kolkata, but it carries certain cultural and social characteristics associated with North Kolkata as well. In many ways, it is a cosmopolitan melting pot.
The constituency’s diverse population includes Gujaratis, Marwaris, Punjabis, and many other non-Bengali communities. In a small geographical area, one can find gurdwaras, temples and mosques standing side by side. Traditionally, Mamata Banerjee has represented South Kolkata, and her Kalighat residence falls within this area.
Over the years, she has undertaken several development projects in the Kalighat–Bhabanipur region, including initiatives connected with religious institutions like the local gurdwara and improvements in civic infrastructure. In the education sector as well, she recently announced that Bhabanipur College, historically associated with the Punjabi Khalsa community, may receive university status in the future. Because of this mixture of communities, cultures and institutions, Bhabanipur represents a unique microcosm of Kolkata’s diverse society.
In the end, how all these factors will influence the final electoral outcome remains uncertain. As the saying goes, the final word will only be known when the results are declared.
